ASPECTS OF INTERNATIONAL TRADES AND CULTURAL EXCHANGES AS SEEN FROM THE TEXTUAL AND MATERIAL REMAINS UNEARTHED FROM CENTRAL ASIA

从中亚出土的文字和材料看国际贸易和文化交流

• 批准号: 13410108
• 负责人: MORIYASU Takao
• 金额: $ 9.02万
• 依托单位: OSAKA UNIVERSITY
• 依托单位国家: 日本
• 项目类别: Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B)
• 财政年份: 2001
• 资助国家: 日本
• 起止时间: 2001 至 2003
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://kaken.nii.ac.jp/en/grant/KAKENHI-PROJECT-13410108/
• 关键词: central Asia; uighur; sogdian; mongol; tibetan; turfan; silk road; buddhism; ウイグル文書; ソグド文書; チベット語木簡; トゥルファン文書; 絹織物; 東西文化交流; モンゴル文書

Moriyasu has demonstrated that as a means of exchange or payment thee old Uighurs began to use silk at first in Mongolia, and then cotton cloth called quanpu was added as both an accounting unit and a means of exchange among the West Uighurs around the 10th 11th centuries. Finally, silver replaced them in Mongol times. Such an economic phenomenon could not occur without the condition that Uighur merchants were actively involved in the long distance trade and that silver money circulated in a great amount in Central Asia. They must be linked to the worldwide circulation of silver at that time.Arakawa analyzed the Turfan Chinese documents serving as passports to the other world, and clarified the transition of the view on the other world held by Chinese in Turfan. That is, a new view on the other world which mixed in Buddhism and traditional Chinese. beliefs appeared only in the period of the Qu 麹 clan Gaochang Kingdom (6th 7th centuries), though the Buddhism had already been believed in … More among Chinese in Turfan in Gaochang commandery period (4th〜5th), and it shifted to the view of the other world on the Buddhism to request for rebirth in Jingtu 浄土 when it became the following Xizhou period (mid-7th 8th centuries).Takeuchi identified many Old Tibetan texts from Dunhuang written after the Tibetan abandonment of Hexi, and discussed that Tibetan continued to be used by non-Tibetans as a lingua franca in various genres, including international communications between the Chinese, Khotanese, and Uighur rulers, both official and private documents among local Chinese, and Buddhist texts.Yoshida discussed the etymology of Zhaowu which was a name of an old city in China where the Sogdians were alleged by the Tang time Chinese to have originated from. In Yoshida's opinion Zhaowu is to be identified with Chamuk, an element sometimes encountered in names of Sogdian kings. Chamuk in turn is most likely to be either an Hephthalite word denoting a title or a name of a legenday hero of the Hephthalite people, which later became an eponym.Matsukawa treated the Uighur elements survivng in the Mongolian edition of the Sutra of the Seven Stars of 'the Great Bear, an apocryphical text of Chinese origin that pervaded Eurasia, and which proved that this text was translated front Uighur into Mongolian.Matsui presented the information on several tens of secular Uigur texts from the St. Petersburg collection which are related to a group of Buddhist monks, at the Toyoq caves in the 13th century. It should be a groundwork for the further historical studies on the cultural and economic activities of the Uigur Buddhist monasteries. Less

莫里亚苏（Moriyasu）证明，作为一种交换或付款的手段，您的老维格尔人（The Old Uighurs）起初在蒙古开始使用丝绸，然后加入了名为Quanpu的棉布，既是会计单位，又是10世纪10世纪左右在西维利格（Sest Uighurs）进行交流的手段。最后，银在蒙古时代取代了它们。如果没有加州大学商人积极参与长距离贸易的条件，那么这种经济现象就无法发生，并且银钱在中亚大量盘旋。它们必须与当时的白银循环有关。阿拉考瓦分析了中国人的文件，这些文件是向另一个世界的护照，并澄清了中国人在图凡岛举行的另一个世界的过渡。也就是说，对另一个世界的新观点混合了佛教和传统中国人。仅在Qu Koji Clan Gaochang王国（6世纪）时期，尽管佛教徒已经被相信……在Gaochang司令期（第4至5位）的中国人中，更多的是在佛教的中国人中（第4至5位），并且它转向了佛教徒在佛教徒上的观点，以便在jingtu的佛教徒要求重生时，当时它成为了下面的Xizhou时期（MED-7s-7 centerivy nistivalivy nistivalivy nistection of sect of sect ofly时期二世纪（MED-7）。 Tibetan texts from Dunhuang written after the Tibetan abandonment of Hexi, and discussed that Tibetan continued to Be used by non-Tibetans as a lingua franca in various genres, including international communications between the Chinese, Khotanese, and Uighur rules, both official and private documents among local Chinese, and Buddhist texts.Yoshida discussed the etymology of Zhaowu which was a name of an old city in China where the唐时中国人指控索格人起源。吉田认为，Zhaowu将与Chamuk一起确定，这是Sogdian Kings的名字有时会遇到的元素。 Chamuk in turn is most likely to be either an Hephthalite word denoting a title or a name of a legendary hero of the Hephthalite people, which later became an aponym.Matsukawa treated the Uighur elements survivng in the Mongolian edition of the Sutra of the Seven Stars of 'the Great Bear, an apocryphical text of Chinese origin that pervaded Eurasia, and which proved that This text was translated front Uighur进入蒙古人。Matsui介绍了有关圣彼得堡系列的几十个世俗Uigur文本的信息，该文本与13世纪Toyoq Caves的一群佛教僧侣有关。这应该是关于Uigur佛教寺院文化和经济活动的进一步历史研究的基础。较少的

项目成果

森安 孝夫: "On the Uighur Buddhist Society at Ciqtim in Turfan during the Mongol Period."Mehmet Olmez/Simone-Christiane Raschmann (eds.), Splitter aus der Gegend von Turfan, Festschrift fur Peter Zieme. Istanbul/Berlin. 153-177 (2003)

Takao Moriyasu：“论蒙古时期吐鲁番 Ciqtim 的维吾尔佛教协会。”Mehmet Olmez/Simone-Christiane Raschmann（编辑），Splitter aus der Gegend von Turfan，Festschrift Fur Peter Zieme 153-177。 (2003)

森安 孝夫: "亀茲国金花王と〓砂に関するウイグル文書の発見"三笠宮崇仁殿下米寿記念論集(森安孝夫(編))東京(刀水書房). (2004年11月刊行予定). (2004)

森保隆夫：《有关龟名国金华和沙地的维吾尔文献的发现》纪念三笠贵仁亲王殿下贝重的文集（森保隆夫（主编））东京（东水书房）（预定于2004年11月出版）。 （2004年）

荒川 正晴: "長行馬文書攷-英国図書館所蔵文書を中心として-"日中律令制の諸相(池田温(編))(東方書店). 1-29 (2002)

荒川正治：《长山文献集 - 以大英图书馆文献为中心》《中日律令制度的面貌》（池田敦志（Atsushi Ikeda）（主编））（东方书店）1-29（2002）。

吉田 豊: "On the Sogdian fragments of the St.Petersburg collection."M.Shogaito and S.Fujishiro (eds.), Issues in Eurasian languages (I). 105-117 (2001)

Yutaka Yoshida：“论圣彼得堡收藏的粟特片段。”M.Shogaito 和 S.Fujishiro（编），《欧亚语言问题》（I）105-117（2001）。

吉田 豊: "内陸アジア学の地道な研究を支援して"東方. 249. 11-15 (2001)

吉田丰：“支持内陆亚洲研究的稳定研究”东方249. 11-15 (2001)。