Collaborative rebel-civil society driven governance as resistance to state criminality: The Kachin Independence Army's revolutionary law abidance.

叛乱与民间社会的合作推动治理作为对国家犯罪的抵抗：克钦独立军对革命法律的遵守。

• 批准号: ES/V011707/1
• 负责人: Alicia De La Cour Venning
• 金额: $ 12.97万
• 依托单位: Queen Mary University of London
• 依托单位国家: 英国
• 项目类别: Fellowship
• 财政年份: 2020
• 资助国家: 英国
• 起止时间: 2020 至 无数据
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://gtr.ukri.org/projects?ref=ES%2FV011707%2F1
• 关键词: Collaborative; rebel; civil; society; driven

The Kachin Independence Organisation/Army (KIO/A) emerged in 1961 in response to discriminatory policies imposed by Myanmar's authoritarian leaders who perceive minority rights as a threat to its Bamar-Buddhist nationalist ideology. The conflict persists making it one of the longest running civil wars in modern history. Alongside armed violence, a faction of KIO/A leaders perceive the development of parallel state structures as an important component of Kachin resistance. Included within this nascent process of 'rebel governance' are attempts to comply with elements of international humanitarian law (IHL). Most clearly, the prohibition against the military recruitment of persons under the age of 18. This position is counter-intuitive because international norms belong to a system of state-centric regulation constructed to maintain state sovereignty, which for the most part, delegitimises actors violently resisting governmental authority. The project aims then to enhance our understanding of the motivations underpinning rebel decisions to engage with international norms, though the laws of war belong to a broader system of international regulation which, at its foundations, obstructs armed opposition to sovereign power (Mégret 2009, Anghie 2003, Orford 2006).The research is valuable in the sense that it humbly seeks to address our limited ability to conceptualise armed opposition groups as potentially legitimate actors. This approach is designed to enhance our understanding of the motivations and implications of 'rebel' engagement with international law, upon strategies of resistance to abuses perpetrated by governments, which international law frequently fails to address efficiently.The project is based upon over seven months of fieldwork observations, including more than 160 interviews and informal discussions with Kachin rebel, community, and political leaders as well as individuals displaced by the conflict, international aid workers and diplomats, and local and international political analysts, journalists, and civil society actors. My research reveals that intensified Myanmar state violence post-2011 has triggered and strengthened collaborative civil society-rebel resistance and Kachin nation building ambitions.The phenomenon of rebel governance, specifically a willingness to engage, albeit in a limited sense, with IHL elicits a number of urgent questions that my research seeks to address: How might IHL's 'othering' of rebels, paradoxically, deprive such groups of the opportunity to comply with international humanitarian norms? How does collaborative civilian-rebel resistance emerge and evolve in response to state criminality and influence IHL engagement?

克钦独立组织/军队 (KIO/A) 于 1961 年成立，是为了回应缅甸独裁领导人实施的歧视性政策，他们认为少数民族权利对其缅族佛教民族主义意识形态构成威胁。冲突持续不断，使其成为持续时间最长的民间冲突之一。除了武装暴力之外，克钦独立组织/解放军的一个派系领导人认为，平行国家结构的发展也是克钦族抵抗运动的重要组成部分。 “治理”是为了遵守国际人道法（IHL）的要素。最明显的是，禁止招募 18 岁以下的人员入伍。这一立场是违反直觉的，因为国际规范属于以国家为中心的体系。旨在维护国家主权的法规，在很大程度上使暴力抵抗政府权威的行为者失去合法性，该项目旨在增强我们对叛乱分子决定遵守国际规范的动机的理解，尽管战争法属于更广泛的体系。国际的其基础是阻碍武装反对主权权力的监管（Mégret 2009，Anghie 2003，Orford 2006）。这项研究很有价值，因为它谦虚地寻求解决我们将武装反对团体概念化为潜在合法行为者的能力有限的问题。这种方法旨在加强我们对“反叛”参与国际法的动机和影响的理解，根据抵制政府滥用权力的策略，国际法经常无法解决这一问题该项目基于七个多月的实地考察，包括与克钦叛军、社区和政治领导人以及因冲突而流离失所的个人、国际援助人员和外交官以及当地和国际组织进行的 160 多次访谈和非正式讨论。我的研究表明，2011年后缅甸国家暴力的加剧引发并加强了民间社会与叛乱分子的协作抵抗和克钦邦建设野心。叛乱治理的现象，特别是参与的意愿，尽管如此。在一个有限的意义，国际人道法引发了我的研究试图解决的一些紧迫问题：国际人道法对叛乱分子的“另类化”可能会如何自相矛盾地剥夺这些团体遵守国际人道主义规范的机会？并针对国家犯罪行为进行演变并影响国际人道法的参与？